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经济观察报 缪因知/文 继8月30日股东大会选出董事后,9月3日,市值超过60亿元的石家庄科林电气股份有限公司(下称“科林电气”)第五届董事会选出正副董事长、聘任了新任总经理。这场国内近年罕见的上市公司控制权争夺战落下帷幕。

公司控制权争夺终章

这是科林电气控制权争夺战的第二季。

第一季是2024年3月起青岛海信网络能源股份公司(下称“海信网能”)联合部分科林电气的股东开始谋求在上海证券交易所上市的科林电气的控制权。

科林电气原董事长联合了石家庄国有资本投资运营集团(下称“石家庄国投”)进行抵抗。但最终海信网能以要约收购的方式向公众股东征集购买到了足够多的股份。

不过,公司是一个独立治理的法人。大股东并不能直接干预其经营,需要通过在股东会上成功改选过半数自己提名的董事,才能有效将自身意愿体现为公司意愿、落实公司的控制权。

故控制权争夺的第一季可谓“股权之战”,参战方是股东和潜在的股东。

第二季可谓“董事席位之战”,参战方是现有的股东。7月3日,海信网能公告股份交割已完成,7月23日就发函给公司提议召开股东大会改选董事。

实践中,这也是原大股东选出的现有董事会抵抗的最后阶段。但他们武器不多,常见的做法是董事会拖延处理新大股东召开股东大会的提议,甚至找理由拒绝。一天不改选,原董事会就可以多在位控制一天。

新大股东的对策包括提请监事会召集股东会、自行召集、到法院起诉等。在投票中,当事人觉得票数不够时,也会公开征集股东投票权,即请求其他赞同自己主张的投资者将股份表决权委托给自身行使。

从公开报道看,科林电气原董事会未采取此等拖延战术。2024年第一次临时股东大会还算及时召开了。

超长股东大会

8月2日,科林电气公司公告收到海信网能的最新提名方案:海信网能提名3名非独立董事、2名独立董事候选人、1名非职工代表监事候选人。石家庄国投提名3名非独立董事候选人、2名独立董事候选人、1名非职工代表监事候选人。职工代表董监事需要由职工民主推选,不由股东大会选出。此前,公司已经于7月25日召开职工代表大会,选举产生了职工监事。

8月30日,出席会议的股东和代理人人数高达899人。这些股东所持有表决权的股份总数为2.45亿股,占公司有表决权股份总数的90.046%。

我国公司法并不要求股份有限公司股东会的最低出席股东人数或最低表决权数,只有一名股东参会亦可通过决议。此次科林电气股东会的股东出席比例算是较高的,这凸显出此次董事会席位竞争的激烈。

据报道,小股民当日收到了海信网能和科林电气双方的拉票短信。值得肯定的是,科林电气管理层没有利用小股民的手机号资源只为石家庄国投拉票,而是给了对手同样的机会。

线下会议的召开时间是8月30日14点,不过当日9点15分开始到15点,股东们也能在网上投票。

据报道,会议期间,海信网能提出两个请求,一是在原有计票监票人员的基础上,再增加一名己方的监票人员;二是公布双方征集表决权数量。科林电气经营层在征求石家庄国投意见后,同意海信网能增加一名监票人员。

征集情况方面,授权海信网能代为行使表决权的股东42名,代表科林电气有效表决权的股份共116.53万股,占股份总数的0.43%;授权石家庄国投代为行使表决权的股东4名,代表公司有效表决权的股份数18.71万股,占股份总数的0.07%。

此次选举中,海信网能采取了全网络投票的策略,现场只进行了委托授权人的投票。本次股东大会在当日16时进入计票环节,但直到约21时才统计出结果。

但有现场见证律师认为,部分股东委托授权投票实际情况与授权范围不符,导致部分董事候选人最终得票数未能确定。直至凌晨2点双方仍未能达成一致,不得不宣布临时休会。次日10点继续召开和协商,直至8月31日17点后才有了最后结果。这打破了2018年西藏发展的“A股史上时间最长股东会”的纪录。

累积投票制的一次典型实践

这次非独立董事的选举是“6选4”。8月30日选举结果是:石家庄国投提名的秘勇、王永得票数均为约2.23亿票,得票数对出席会议有效表决权的比例分别为90.8%、91.05%。海信网能提名的陈维强、史文伯得票数均为约2.55亿票,得票数对出席会议有效表决权的比例分别为103.99%、104.01%。落选的吴某某(海信网能方提名)、李某(石家庄国投提名)得票率为4.60%、0.01%。2名非职工代表监事属于等额选举,所以双双当选。

之所以有人得票率超过100%,是因为施行了累积投票制。我国公司法允许各个公司按照章程规定或者股东会决议,自行选择是否在董监事会选举中施行累积投票制。

累积投票制指股东会选举董事或监事时,每一股份拥有与应选董事或监事人数相同的表决权,股东拥有的表决权可以集中使用。比如,这次选出4名董事,每股有4个表决权。股东可以把这4票给4个人,也可以集中给3个、2个甚至1个人。

如果按照普通选举方式对候选人逐个表决的话,大股东可以四战四捷,多一票也压死人,赢家通吃。而累积投票制的要义在于给了小股东机会,将表决权集中投给少数候选人,以确保最低当选的人数。大股东可以将表决权分散使用,但也不能太散。具体的策略要视小股东表决权数、应选董监事数、候选人数而定。

发明累积投票制的美国人已经提炼出了确保一个或N个席位所需的最低持股比例。简单而言,小股东持股数量越多,可选出的董事席位越多,参加投票的其他股东越少,小股东集中投票就越能有一席之地。美国一些公司实施错层董事会制度,即每年只改选三分之一的董事会席位,就是为了压缩小股东用累积投票制来改命的运作空间。

根据7月3日的公告,海信网能共持有公司总股本的34.94%,持有李砚如、屈国旺委托的表决权,占公司总股本的9.57%,合计持有公司44.51%的表决权。石家庄国投持股比例为29.51%。双方持股比例差距明显,但不算悬殊。看上去,海信网能经过计算认为股权不足以囊括4个席位,拿下3个也希望不大,故主动实施了“弃保”策略,即放弃了本方的一名候选人。

吴某某、李某某在5%以下股东处的得票数和在全体股东处的得票数完全是一样的,精确到了个位。5%以上的大股东对他们一票都没投。与此同时,作为5%以上股东的两大股东对各自提名的其他2名非独立董事的票数是完全平摊,不偏不倚,9位数的票数不差一股。石家庄国投两位各得约1.28亿票,海信网能两位各得约1.90亿票。之所以提名被放弃的两位,一定程度上是给对方的烟雾弹,即为了让对方猜不透自身的投票布局策略;同时,也能在小股东那试试运气。

据报道,此次股东大会的争议核心在于,在现场非独立董事的投票阶段,海信网能将公开征集的投票权集中投给了陈维强与史文伯两位候选人,但有见证律师认为部分授权股东授权范围是将票投给陈维强、史文伯、吴某某三位候选人。海信网能被授权的部分投票情况与授权范围不符,不愿签字,因此会议陷入了僵局。

对此,笔者认为海信网能投票方式没问题。因为征集投票权时只是概括提出了一个范围和方向。只要海信网能征集时未承诺对三名提名人如何投票,就不违反授权初衷。这种授权一般是基于对征集人而非征集人所提名人的信任而给出。小股东们显然也没有在授权时对具体投票方案施加限制性条件。退一步而言,如果非要选三个人才行,海信网能也只需要给吴某某象征性投票,无关大局。最终,海信网能的观点也获得通过。

此次选举独立董事是“4选3”。对照当选人得票总数和在5%以下股东处的得票数也可见:两大股东对各自提名的两独董的票数是完全平摊,不差一股。石家庄国投两位各得约9635.5万票,海信网能两位各得约1.428亿票。但石家庄国投的独董候选人陈某某在小股东处的票数显著低于其他三名候选人。石家庄国投提名的王某某得票约1.1亿票,海信网能的两位得票约5371万票和5358万票,而陈某某只有得票约2787万票,因此落选。

有意思的是,从票数看,石家庄国投提名的独立董事和非独立董事在小股东处获得的支持均多于海信网能。不过,由于海信网能票数更多,即便王、陈两位石家庄国投提名的独立董事被均匀分摊,石家庄国投提名的独立董事也无法获得2席。

此前8月2日,海信网能宣布将4名非独立董事候选人减少为3名,3名独立董事候选人减少为2名,2名非职工代表监事候选人减少为1名。这当然会有海信网能认为斩获更多席位的把握不大的可能性,但同样算是一种友好姿态。特别是非职工代表监事从差额选举变成等额选举,少了一些火药味。不过,其中一位非职工代表监事得票率超过100%,表明在等额选举时,该方又对其进行了集中投票,这似乎意义不大。

董事会新格局

科林电气第四届董事会到2023年9月11日其实已任期届满,处于“超期服役”状态,且已有独立董事提出辞职。换届成功后,公司治理层进入了新一季。

第五届董事会中,新的第一大股东海信网能提名人选获得4席(含2名独立董事),原大股东、经营团队和现二股东石家庄国资委方面的联盟获得3席(含1名独立董事)。海信网能提名的陈维强成为董事长兼战略委员会主席,海信网能提名的史文伯成为副董事长,科林电气原副总经理王永新当选董事,又被董事会聘为总经理,更上一层楼。史文伯则被聘为副总经理,可深度介入公司管理。三名独立董事分别成为董事会提名、薪酬和审计委员会主席。双方各提名一名非职工代表监事,石家庄国投提名的张贵波当选监事会主席。原监事会主席邱士勇是张成锁和石家庄国投的一致行动人,他系工程师出身,此次改任副总经理。他是公司第八大股东,也是公司现任董监高中持股数最高的。

海信网能提名的董事过了半数,在理论上仅凭他们4个人的单方意志就可以通过董事会决议。但这并不绝对。一来,所有董事的忠实义务都应当指向公司本身,而非提名自身的股东。独立董事更是有“独立”的义务。二来,新的第一大股东本身是外省资本,科林电气的二股东方持股数量可观,又是当地政府和原经营团队的联盟,意志不容忽视。所以,石家庄国投的人员在董监高架构中也保有了可观的地位。

原高管团队基本退出新一届董监事会,这既包括原董事长张成锁,也包括与海信网能结盟的副董事长李砚如、董事兼总经理屈国旺。李砚如和曾参加海信网能的要约收购的董事会秘书宋建某均缺席了这场里程碑式的股东大会。

科林电气的新董事会可谓一个“强人局”。秘勇现为石家庄国有资本投资运营集团有限责任公司董事长、兼任石家庄国投两家国有公司董事长。王永现为科林电气副总经理,主管公司市场营销和市场拓展工作。陈维强现任海信集团控股股份公司高级副总裁、海信网能董事长等职。史文伯现任海信网能总经理、党支部书记。可见,这是一场高峰对话,谁也不是被派过来“配合工作”或“友情参与”的。双方的磨合工作还有待深化。

番外篇:控制权战争中的违规事件

6月8日科林电气公告称时任董事长张成锁和监事邱勇存在本人和家属实施短线交易的问题。短线交易即公司持股5%以上的大股东、董事、监事、高管及其近亲属在6个月将股票卖出又买入、或买入又卖出。这种制度的本义是防范董监高的内幕交易,故而划出一个“隔离区”。在没有证据表明公司内部人们的这些快进快出交易是基于内幕信息时,公司仍然可以收缴内部人们的此等交易的差价收益。但交易本金是不收缴的,故而内部人急需花钱时,仍然可以在买入6个月内卖出套现(当然,需要符合对减持的其他限制性规定)。

短线交易其实不算一种严重的问题。邱士勇的妻子涉及的情节是买入5000股,4天后卖出5000股,获利3650元。这甚至不能排除下单误操作的可能。不过我国监管力度大,对此设定了行政责任。8月3日河北证监局因此对张成锁、邱士勇出具警示函。公司董事会也再次致歉。9月6日,上海证交所就此对张成锁施加了通报批评的几率处分。

对董监高的近亲属的短线交易出具警示函,并非罕见。不过,这种措施是有争议的。我国《证券法》第44条规定大股东、董监高及其配偶、父母、子女持有的及利用他人账户持有的股票均适用短线交易规则,相关收益由公司收回。第189条规定:大股东、董监高违反第44条买卖的,可给予警告,并处罚款。

因此,对董监高的近亲属的短线交易行为只发警示函、不罚款,算是一种折衷措施,不明显超越《证券法》的规定。不过,一方面,实践中有监管机构认为应该基于董监高近亲属的短线交易行为而对董监高以十万元以上一百万元以下的罚款。另一方面,大股东、董监高是否有义务、有能力管住成年家属,也值得疑问。

这里的麻烦之处在于:法律规则把近亲属纳入管制范围,先不说有无必要,其显然是将近亲属们视为一体的。董事自买自卖,和董事的父亲买、董事的儿子卖,在法律效果上被视为一回事。要是一位董监高的近亲属们真正亲如一家倒也罢了,但如果不是呢?

所以,如果真要全面贯彻落实大股东和董监高的家属们都戒绝短线交易。董监高们应该先把父母、配偶、子女建一个群,通知大家最好不要交易本公司的股票,如果买卖的话,需要知会下其他人,其他人无论彼此实际关系亲疏,都得因此戒绝反向交易6个月。这真能容易做到吗?据了解,我国实践中已有董事的父母已经离婚、从而各买各的、让董事极为被动的尴尬案例。此外,这种“全家违规,一人受罚”的模式意味着:如果董监高的配偶要与之闹离婚,能否通过短线交易来向该董监高施压呢?

9月9日,科林电气也公告了河北证监局对公司第一大股东海信网能的警示函。事由是此前收购中,海信网能曾于5月14日披露称权益变动(即购买股票)所需资金全部来源于自有资金,但实际上有7000万元来自于其控股股东全资子公司的青岛海信通信有限公司借款。

这两种行为均不算严重。不过《上海证券报》援引他人观点认为,这些事情被翻出来,是对手方在“找瑕疵”的行为,以便在股东大会时能处于更能争取小股东“民心”的地位。

科林电气新一届董事会在选举正副董事长、聘任总经理时,出现了7票全部通过的和谐景象。这表明两大阵营已经有了良好的沟通。

争斗虽然是商战的正常内容,但合作更是商业的本义。当硝烟散尽后,即便昔日的战友已经抱憾退场,选择留在这艘船的人都有必要、有义务向前看。

无论是海信网能还是石家庄国投,首要目的都是让科林电气实现更多的股东回报。一方需要尊重大股东的投入和地位,另一方也需要正视二股东的权益和其作为当地政府部门的力量。办好企业,是企业所有相关方的福祉所在。

(作者系南京大学教授、经济观察报管理与创新案例研究院特约研究员)

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科林电气收购战第二季:董事改选复盘

经济观察报
09-13 23:58 来自北京

经济观察报 缪因知/文 继8月30日股东大会选出董事后,9月3日,市值超过60亿元的石家庄科林电气股份有限公司(下称“科林电气”)第五届董事会选出正副董事长、聘任了新任总经理。这场国内近年罕见的上市公司控制权争夺战落下帷幕。

公司控制权争夺终章

这是科林电气控制权争夺战的第二季。

第一季是2024年3月起青岛海信网络能源股份公司(下称“海信网能”)联合部分科林电气的股东开始谋求在上海证券交易所上市的科林电气的控制权。

科林电气原董事长联合了石家庄国有资本投资运营集团(下称“石家庄国投”)进行抵抗。但最终海信网能以要约收购的方式向公众股东征集购买到了足够多的股份。

不过,公司是一个独立治理的法人。大股东并不能直接干预其经营,需要通过在股东会上成功改选过半数自己提名的董事,才能有效将自身意愿体现为公司意愿、落实公司的控制权。

故控制权争夺的第一季可谓“股权之战”,参战方是股东和潜在的股东。

第二季可谓“董事席位之战”,参战方是现有的股东。7月3日,海信网能公告股份交割已完成,7月23日就发函给公司提议召开股东大会改选董事。

实践中,这也是原大股东选出的现有董事会抵抗的最后阶段。但他们武器不多,常见的做法是董事会拖延处理新大股东召开股东大会的提议,甚至找理由拒绝。一天不改选,原董事会就可以多在位控制一天。

新大股东的对策包括提请监事会召集股东会、自行召集、到法院起诉等。在投票中,当事人觉得票数不够时,也会公开征集股东投票权,即请求其他赞同自己主张的投资者将股份表决权委托给自身行使。

从公开报道看,科林电气原董事会未采取此等拖延战术。2024年第一次临时股东大会还算及时召开了。

超长股东大会

8月2日,科林电气公司公告收到海信网能的最新提名方案:海信网能提名3名非独立董事、2名独立董事候选人、1名非职工代表监事候选人。石家庄国投提名3名非独立董事候选人、2名独立董事候选人、1名非职工代表监事候选人。职工代表董监事需要由职工民主推选,不由股东大会选出。此前,公司已经于7月25日召开职工代表大会,选举产生了职工监事。

8月30日,出席会议的股东和代理人人数高达899人。这些股东所持有表决权的股份总数为2.45亿股,占公司有表决权股份总数的90.046%。

我国公司法并不要求股份有限公司股东会的最低出席股东人数或最低表决权数,只有一名股东参会亦可通过决议。此次科林电气股东会的股东出席比例算是较高的,这凸显出此次董事会席位竞争的激烈。

据报道,小股民当日收到了海信网能和科林电气双方的拉票短信。值得肯定的是,科林电气管理层没有利用小股民的手机号资源只为石家庄国投拉票,而是给了对手同样的机会。

线下会议的召开时间是8月30日14点,不过当日9点15分开始到15点,股东们也能在网上投票。

据报道,会议期间,海信网能提出两个请求,一是在原有计票监票人员的基础上,再增加一名己方的监票人员;二是公布双方征集表决权数量。科林电气经营层在征求石家庄国投意见后,同意海信网能增加一名监票人员。

征集情况方面,授权海信网能代为行使表决权的股东42名,代表科林电气有效表决权的股份共116.53万股,占股份总数的0.43%;授权石家庄国投代为行使表决权的股东4名,代表公司有效表决权的股份数18.71万股,占股份总数的0.07%。

此次选举中,海信网能采取了全网络投票的策略,现场只进行了委托授权人的投票。本次股东大会在当日16时进入计票环节,但直到约21时才统计出结果。

但有现场见证律师认为,部分股东委托授权投票实际情况与授权范围不符,导致部分董事候选人最终得票数未能确定。直至凌晨2点双方仍未能达成一致,不得不宣布临时休会。次日10点继续召开和协商,直至8月31日17点后才有了最后结果。这打破了2018年西藏发展的“A股史上时间最长股东会”的纪录。

累积投票制的一次典型实践

这次非独立董事的选举是“6选4”。8月30日选举结果是:石家庄国投提名的秘勇、王永得票数均为约2.23亿票,得票数对出席会议有效表决权的比例分别为90.8%、91.05%。海信网能提名的陈维强、史文伯得票数均为约2.55亿票,得票数对出席会议有效表决权的比例分别为103.99%、104.01%。落选的吴某某(海信网能方提名)、李某(石家庄国投提名)得票率为4.60%、0.01%。2名非职工代表监事属于等额选举,所以双双当选。

之所以有人得票率超过100%,是因为施行了累积投票制。我国公司法允许各个公司按照章程规定或者股东会决议,自行选择是否在董监事会选举中施行累积投票制。

累积投票制指股东会选举董事或监事时,每一股份拥有与应选董事或监事人数相同的表决权,股东拥有的表决权可以集中使用。比如,这次选出4名董事,每股有4个表决权。股东可以把这4票给4个人,也可以集中给3个、2个甚至1个人。

如果按照普通选举方式对候选人逐个表决的话,大股东可以四战四捷,多一票也压死人,赢家通吃。而累积投票制的要义在于给了小股东机会,将表决权集中投给少数候选人,以确保最低当选的人数。大股东可以将表决权分散使用,但也不能太散。具体的策略要视小股东表决权数、应选董监事数、候选人数而定。

发明累积投票制的美国人已经提炼出了确保一个或N个席位所需的最低持股比例。简单而言,小股东持股数量越多,可选出的董事席位越多,参加投票的其他股东越少,小股东集中投票就越能有一席之地。美国一些公司实施错层董事会制度,即每年只改选三分之一的董事会席位,就是为了压缩小股东用累积投票制来改命的运作空间。

根据7月3日的公告,海信网能共持有公司总股本的34.94%,持有李砚如、屈国旺委托的表决权,占公司总股本的9.57%,合计持有公司44.51%的表决权。石家庄国投持股比例为29.51%。双方持股比例差距明显,但不算悬殊。看上去,海信网能经过计算认为股权不足以囊括4个席位,拿下3个也希望不大,故主动实施了“弃保”策略,即放弃了本方的一名候选人。

吴某某、李某某在5%以下股东处的得票数和在全体股东处的得票数完全是一样的,精确到了个位。5%以上的大股东对他们一票都没投。与此同时,作为5%以上股东的两大股东对各自提名的其他2名非独立董事的票数是完全平摊,不偏不倚,9位数的票数不差一股。石家庄国投两位各得约1.28亿票,海信网能两位各得约1.90亿票。之所以提名被放弃的两位,一定程度上是给对方的烟雾弹,即为了让对方猜不透自身的投票布局策略;同时,也能在小股东那试试运气。

据报道,此次股东大会的争议核心在于,在现场非独立董事的投票阶段,海信网能将公开征集的投票权集中投给了陈维强与史文伯两位候选人,但有见证律师认为部分授权股东授权范围是将票投给陈维强、史文伯、吴某某三位候选人。海信网能被授权的部分投票情况与授权范围不符,不愿签字,因此会议陷入了僵局。

对此,笔者认为海信网能投票方式没问题。因为征集投票权时只是概括提出了一个范围和方向。只要海信网能征集时未承诺对三名提名人如何投票,就不违反授权初衷。这种授权一般是基于对征集人而非征集人所提名人的信任而给出。小股东们显然也没有在授权时对具体投票方案施加限制性条件。退一步而言,如果非要选三个人才行,海信网能也只需要给吴某某象征性投票,无关大局。最终,海信网能的观点也获得通过。

此次选举独立董事是“4选3”。对照当选人得票总数和在5%以下股东处的得票数也可见:两大股东对各自提名的两独董的票数是完全平摊,不差一股。石家庄国投两位各得约9635.5万票,海信网能两位各得约1.428亿票。但石家庄国投的独董候选人陈某某在小股东处的票数显著低于其他三名候选人。石家庄国投提名的王某某得票约1.1亿票,海信网能的两位得票约5371万票和5358万票,而陈某某只有得票约2787万票,因此落选。

有意思的是,从票数看,石家庄国投提名的独立董事和非独立董事在小股东处获得的支持均多于海信网能。不过,由于海信网能票数更多,即便王、陈两位石家庄国投提名的独立董事被均匀分摊,石家庄国投提名的独立董事也无法获得2席。

此前8月2日,海信网能宣布将4名非独立董事候选人减少为3名,3名独立董事候选人减少为2名,2名非职工代表监事候选人减少为1名。这当然会有海信网能认为斩获更多席位的把握不大的可能性,但同样算是一种友好姿态。特别是非职工代表监事从差额选举变成等额选举,少了一些火药味。不过,其中一位非职工代表监事得票率超过100%,表明在等额选举时,该方又对其进行了集中投票,这似乎意义不大。

董事会新格局

科林电气第四届董事会到2023年9月11日其实已任期届满,处于“超期服役”状态,且已有独立董事提出辞职。换届成功后,公司治理层进入了新一季。

第五届董事会中,新的第一大股东海信网能提名人选获得4席(含2名独立董事),原大股东、经营团队和现二股东石家庄国资委方面的联盟获得3席(含1名独立董事)。海信网能提名的陈维强成为董事长兼战略委员会主席,海信网能提名的史文伯成为副董事长,科林电气原副总经理王永新当选董事,又被董事会聘为总经理,更上一层楼。史文伯则被聘为副总经理,可深度介入公司管理。三名独立董事分别成为董事会提名、薪酬和审计委员会主席。双方各提名一名非职工代表监事,石家庄国投提名的张贵波当选监事会主席。原监事会主席邱士勇是张成锁和石家庄国投的一致行动人,他系工程师出身,此次改任副总经理。他是公司第八大股东,也是公司现任董监高中持股数最高的。

海信网能提名的董事过了半数,在理论上仅凭他们4个人的单方意志就可以通过董事会决议。但这并不绝对。一来,所有董事的忠实义务都应当指向公司本身,而非提名自身的股东。独立董事更是有“独立”的义务。二来,新的第一大股东本身是外省资本,科林电气的二股东方持股数量可观,又是当地政府和原经营团队的联盟,意志不容忽视。所以,石家庄国投的人员在董监高架构中也保有了可观的地位。

原高管团队基本退出新一届董监事会,这既包括原董事长张成锁,也包括与海信网能结盟的副董事长李砚如、董事兼总经理屈国旺。李砚如和曾参加海信网能的要约收购的董事会秘书宋建某均缺席了这场里程碑式的股东大会。

科林电气的新董事会可谓一个“强人局”。秘勇现为石家庄国有资本投资运营集团有限责任公司董事长、兼任石家庄国投两家国有公司董事长。王永现为科林电气副总经理,主管公司市场营销和市场拓展工作。陈维强现任海信集团控股股份公司高级副总裁、海信网能董事长等职。史文伯现任海信网能总经理、党支部书记。可见,这是一场高峰对话,谁也不是被派过来“配合工作”或“友情参与”的。双方的磨合工作还有待深化。

番外篇:控制权战争中的违规事件

6月8日科林电气公告称时任董事长张成锁和监事邱勇存在本人和家属实施短线交易的问题。短线交易即公司持股5%以上的大股东、董事、监事、高管及其近亲属在6个月将股票卖出又买入、或买入又卖出。这种制度的本义是防范董监高的内幕交易,故而划出一个“隔离区”。在没有证据表明公司内部人们的这些快进快出交易是基于内幕信息时,公司仍然可以收缴内部人们的此等交易的差价收益。但交易本金是不收缴的,故而内部人急需花钱时,仍然可以在买入6个月内卖出套现(当然,需要符合对减持的其他限制性规定)。

短线交易其实不算一种严重的问题。邱士勇的妻子涉及的情节是买入5000股,4天后卖出5000股,获利3650元。这甚至不能排除下单误操作的可能。不过我国监管力度大,对此设定了行政责任。8月3日河北证监局因此对张成锁、邱士勇出具警示函。公司董事会也再次致歉。9月6日,上海证交所就此对张成锁施加了通报批评的几率处分。

对董监高的近亲属的短线交易出具警示函,并非罕见。不过,这种措施是有争议的。我国《证券法》第44条规定大股东、董监高及其配偶、父母、子女持有的及利用他人账户持有的股票均适用短线交易规则,相关收益由公司收回。第189条规定:大股东、董监高违反第44条买卖的,可给予警告,并处罚款。

因此,对董监高的近亲属的短线交易行为只发警示函、不罚款,算是一种折衷措施,不明显超越《证券法》的规定。不过,一方面,实践中有监管机构认为应该基于董监高近亲属的短线交易行为而对董监高以十万元以上一百万元以下的罚款。另一方面,大股东、董监高是否有义务、有能力管住成年家属,也值得疑问。

这里的麻烦之处在于:法律规则把近亲属纳入管制范围,先不说有无必要,其显然是将近亲属们视为一体的。董事自买自卖,和董事的父亲买、董事的儿子卖,在法律效果上被视为一回事。要是一位董监高的近亲属们真正亲如一家倒也罢了,但如果不是呢?

所以,如果真要全面贯彻落实大股东和董监高的家属们都戒绝短线交易。董监高们应该先把父母、配偶、子女建一个群,通知大家最好不要交易本公司的股票,如果买卖的话,需要知会下其他人,其他人无论彼此实际关系亲疏,都得因此戒绝反向交易6个月。这真能容易做到吗?据了解,我国实践中已有董事的父母已经离婚、从而各买各的、让董事极为被动的尴尬案例。此外,这种“全家违规,一人受罚”的模式意味着:如果董监高的配偶要与之闹离婚,能否通过短线交易来向该董监高施压呢?

9月9日,科林电气也公告了河北证监局对公司第一大股东海信网能的警示函。事由是此前收购中,海信网能曾于5月14日披露称权益变动(即购买股票)所需资金全部来源于自有资金,但实际上有7000万元来自于其控股股东全资子公司的青岛海信通信有限公司借款。

这两种行为均不算严重。不过《上海证券报》援引他人观点认为,这些事情被翻出来,是对手方在“找瑕疵”的行为,以便在股东大会时能处于更能争取小股东“民心”的地位。

科林电气新一届董事会在选举正副董事长、聘任总经理时,出现了7票全部通过的和谐景象。这表明两大阵营已经有了良好的沟通。

争斗虽然是商战的正常内容,但合作更是商业的本义。当硝烟散尽后,即便昔日的战友已经抱憾退场,选择留在这艘船的人都有必要、有义务向前看。

无论是海信网能还是石家庄国投,首要目的都是让科林电气实现更多的股东回报。一方需要尊重大股东的投入和地位,另一方也需要正视二股东的权益和其作为当地政府部门的力量。办好企业,是企业所有相关方的福祉所在。

(作者系南京大学教授、经济观察报管理与创新案例研究院特约研究员)

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